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On
Background to the ICJ decision on the security fence
Important facts on the security fence
Conclusion
The question posed to the ICJ regarding the
legality of
Der Auftrag an den Internationalen Gerichtshof, sich mit dem Thema
des israelischen Sicherheitszauns zu befassen, ist das Ergebnis eines
tendenziösen und politisch indiskutablen Prozesses. Israel und mehr als
dreißig demokratische Staaten haben sich davon distanziert. Der
Internationale Gerichtshof in Den Haag ist nicht befugt, sich mit Themen
zu befassen, die eine politische Auseinandersetzung zwischen Israel und
den Palästinensern darstellen.
Erwartungsgemäß und aufgrund der einseitigen Eingabe der
UN-Vollversammlung, die beim Gerichtshof eingereicht wurde, ignoriert das
Gutachten völlig den Kern des Problems und den Grund für die Errichtung
des Zaunes: der palästinensische Terror. Ohne Terror gäbe es keinen Zaun.
Dieser menschenverachtende Terror forderte in den letzten drei ein
halb Jahren knapp 1.000 Tote, Zehntausende Verletzte, Hinterbliebene,
Witwen und Waisen bei mehr als 20.000 Anschlägen.
Angesichts einer solchen verbrecherischen Kampagne würde sich jeder
andere Staat genauso verhalten.
Seit Errichtung des Zaunes ist die Zahl der Opfer drastisch
zurückgegangen. Der Zaun hat sich als Erfolg erwiesen. Er ist eine
temporäre gewaltlose Sicherheitsmaßnahme, die Leben rettet.
Solange es Terror gibt, wird Israel weiterhin seine Bürger schützen
müssen. Das ist Israels rechtmäßige und ethische Pflicht.
Israel ist fortwährend darum bemüht, ein angemessenes Gleichgewicht
zwischen dem notwendigen Schutz vor dem Terrorismus und der Verteidigung
seiner Bürger einerseits und den humanitären Bedürfnissen der
Palästinenser andererseits zu finden. So wird Israel gemäß den Urteilen
des Obersten Gerichtshofs in Jerusalem weiterhin vorgehen. Dies ist die
einzige Instanz, die befugt ist, darüber zu urteilen. Die Involvierung des
Obersten Gerichtshofs in Israel beweist, sofern überhaupt ein Beweis
erforderlich war, dass kein Anlass zur Einmischung von außen besteht.
Der einzige Weg, die Streitpunkte zwischen Israel und den
Palästinensern, auch hinsichtlich des Zauns, zu lösen, sind direkte
Verhandlungen zwischen den beiden Seiten. So wurde es in allen relevanten
Beschlüssen des UN-Sicherheitsrates und der Road Map festgelegt.
Unverzichtbare Voraussetzung für solche Verhandlungen ist das Ende
des palästinensischen Terrors. Der Schlüssel zur Lösung liegt nicht in Den
Haag oder in Manhattan, sondern in Ramallah und Gaza, denn von dort geht
der Terror aus.
Israel ruft die palästinensische Führung dazu auf, den Terror zu
stoppen und an den Verhandlungstisch zurückzukehren.
Israel fordert die internationale Gemeinschaft auf, die
palästinensischen Versuche zu unterbinden, sich weiterhin durch
überflüssige Agitationen in internationalen Foren ihrer Verpflichtungen zu
entziehen. Stattdessen sollte sich die palästinensische Führung darauf
konzentrieren, den Terror ernsthaft zu bekämpfen.
Jerusalem, den 9. Juli 2004 (16.30 Uhr)
AFP - Scharon ordnet Weiterbau umstrittener
Sperranlage an
Jerusalem (AFP) - Ungeachtet eines Gutachtens des
Internationalen Gerichtshofs (IGH) hat der israelische Ministerpräsident
Ariel Scharon einen weiteren Ausbau der israelischen Sperranlage zum
Westjordanland angeordnet. Scharon habe nach einer Beratung mit seinen
Ministern am Sonntag angewiesen, die Bauarbeiten fortzusetzen, sagte ein
Regierungsvertreter. Der IGH hatte die Anlage am Freitag für illegal
erklärt und einen Abriss gefordert.


Analyse von Ze’ev Segal, Ha’aretz,
11.07.2004
Englische Version: http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/449720.html
Das beratende Gutachten, das vom
Internationalen Gerichtshof (IGH) in Den Haag auf die Türschwelle der UNO
gelegt wurde und das die „rechtlichen Folgen des Baus einer Mauer im
besetzten palästinensischen Gebiet“ behandelt, ist keine reale gesetzliche
Analyse der Argumente beider Parteien. Während das Gutachten die Argumente
Israels, die dem Gerichtshof und den Institutionen der UNO vorgelegt wurden,
zwar erwähnt, scheint die Empfehlung des IGH schon im Voraus entschieden
gewesen zu sein.
Der Bau des Zauns, der vom IGH
–infolge des Terminus, der von der UN-Generalversammlung festgelegt wurde-
„Mauer“ genannt wird, ist
illegal, sagt der Gerichtshof, da er einen politischen Präzedenzfall für
zukünftige Grenzen zwischen Israel und dem zukünftigen Staat Palästina
schaffe. Der Bau der Mauer verursache ein „Fait accompli“ und stelle eine
„De-facto-Annexion“ dar. Der Gerichtshof verwarf Israels Behauptung, der
Zaun sei vorübergehend, und Israels Hinweis auf das Recht der
Selbstverteidigung, das in der UN-Charta verankert
ist.
Nach Meinung des IGH kann Israel
dieses Recht nicht anführen, wenn es außerhalb des Territoriums seines
Staates eine Mauer baut. Der Gerichtshof, der in seinem Gutachten jeden
direkten Bezug zu palästinensischem Terror vermied, akzeptierte nicht das
Argument, dass der Bau der Mauer eine Sicherheitsnotwendigkeit ist, die
durch Internationales Recht anerkannt ist. Nach Meinung der Richter
geschieht der Bau der Mauer im Allgemeinen, und entlang der Linie, auf der
sie gebaut wird, im Besonderen, nicht aus Gründen der Notwendigkeit. Der
Gerichtshof sagt nur vage, dass Israel seine Bürger vor feindlichen Akten
mit tödlichem Ausgang schützen sollte bzw. verpflichtet ist zu schützen, und
er negiert den eigentlichen Bau der Mauer, weil er gegen Internationales
Recht verstoße.
Im Unterschied zum Obersten
Gerichtshof in Jerusalem unterscheidet der IGH nicht klar zwischen dem
Problem der Befugnis, den Trennungszaun zu bauen, und dem Problem seines
gewählten Verlaufs. Was den Verlauf angeht, so hebt der IGH hervor, dass
dieser zahlreiche Rechte der Palästinenser in den Territorien missachte:
Bewegungsfreiheit, das Recht auf freien Zugang zum Arbeitsplatz, das Recht
zu arbeiten, das Recht auf Gesundheit und Bildung und das Recht auf die
Nutzung von Wasserquellen. Der IGH betont, dass die Frage, die die
UN-Generalversammlung an ihn übergeben hat, eine rechtmäßige sei und dass
ihr politischer Blickwinkel diese Frage nicht beeinflusse.
Die Empfehlung selbst nimmt jedoch
keinen Abstand zu einem Gutachten bezüglich des Status der Territorien, das
eigentlich kein rein juristisches Gutachten ist. Komplexe juristische
Fragen, die in diesem Zusammenhang gestellt werden sollten –z. B. die Frage
nach Jordaniens Souveränität im Gebiet der Westbank vor 1967- werden in der
Empfehlung nicht angesprochen. Ihr Wortlaut in Passagen, die sich auf
Schritte Israels beziehen, ist politisch und nicht rein juristisch. Der IGH
ruft Israel auf, die Mauer abzureißen, den Bau in der Region zu stoppen, das
Land, das es für den Bau der Mauer konfisziert hat, zurückzugeben und all
denen, die durch den Bau geschädigt wurden, Kompensation zu
zahlen.
Das Gutachten des IGH ist angesichts
seiner Gesamtheit bemerkenswert. Es drängt darauf, den gesamten Zaun
niederzureißen, und versucht nicht einmal, mit der Möglichkeit umzugehen,
dass wenigstens einige Teile für die Sicherheit nötig sein könnten. Darin
unterscheidet sich die Empfehlung des IGH vollkommen vom Urteil des Obersten
Gerichtshofes in Jerusalem am 30. Juni. Der Urteilsspruch des Obersten
Gerichtshofes, der sich auch auf Internationales Recht bezog, sagte im
Prinzip, dass der militärische Befehlshaber die legale Befugnis habe, aus
militärischen Gründen eine Trennanlage zu bauen und dass diese Gründe
tatsächlich existieren. Selbst vor dem Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofes war
es unmöglich einen Zaun aus politischen Gründen zu bauen, mit der Absicht,
Staatsgrenzen festzusetzen und Gebiet zu
„annektieren“.
Das Urteil des IGH steht im Prinzip
im Einklang mit dem Urteil des Obersten Gerichtshofes was den speziellen
Verlauf des Zauns angeht, jedoch nicht bezüglich der aktuellen Befugnis,
einen Zaun zu bauen. Das Gutachten des IGH bezieht sich nicht auf eine
spezielle Route, sondern behandelt den gesamten Zaun. Der Oberste
Gerichtshof bezog sich hingegen auf eine spezielle Route und urteilte, dass
ein Teil derselben auf Grund der nicht im Verhältnis stehenden Schädigung
von Anwohnern neu überprüft werden müsse. Der Oberste Gerichtshof
intervenierte in einer spezifischen Angelegenheit, nachdem er festgestellt
hatte, dass die Schädigung der Anwohner einer bestimmten Route ernst und
akut war und kein wirklicher Versuch gemacht worden sei, den Geschädigten
alternatives Land anzubieten. Solch ein ernsthafter Schlag gegen das Recht
von Eigentum, freiem Zugang zum Arbeitsplatz und Bewegungsfreiheit bewog den
Obersten Gerichtshof zu intervenieren. Er untersuchte besondere Umstände
unter der Voraussetzung, dass der Sicherheitszaun im Verhältnis stehen
müsse, damit das Leben der Anwohner nicht übermäßig belastet ist. Der IGH
schloss hingegen den Bau eines Zaunes auf Gebiet, das nach Internationalem
Recht als besetzt gilt, aus. Sein Gutachten ignoriert vollkommen die Pflicht
eines militärischen Befehlshabers, zusätzlich zur erforderlichen Sorge für
die Anwohner, für die Sicherheit der Bürger seines Staates zu
sorgen.
Israel, das sich verpflichtet fühlt,
gemäß dem Urteilsspruch des Obersten Gerichtshofes zu handeln, kann sagen,
dass es bezüglich der Verhütung von Rechtsverletzungen gegenüber den
Anwohnern in jeder Hinsicht gemäß dem Gesetz des IGH handeln
wird.
Die Empfehlung des IGH, die von 14
aus 15 Richtern gegeben wurde, nimmt keinen Bezug auf das Zaun-Urteil des
Obersten Gerichthofes. Der IGH erwähnt nur das Urteil des Obersten
Gerichtshofes vom 30. Mai, das die Pflicht eines militärischen Befehlshabers
behandelt, während der Aktivitäten der israelischen Verteidigungsarmee (IDF)
in Rafah Menschenrechte zu befolgen und sich um die vor Ort lebende
Bevölkerung zu kümmern. Der IGH erwähnt dieses Urteil des Obersten
Gerichtshofes, um zu zeigen, dass Israel selbst die Verpflichtung
akzeptiert, nach den humanitären Regeln zu handeln, die in der Haager
Konvention von 1907 und der Vierten Genfer Konvention von 1949 festgehalten
wurden.
Das Gutachten des IGH deutet an,
dass die Mehrheit der Richter in den Hauptpunkten nicht mit dem
amerikanischen Richter Thomas Buergenthal übereinstimmte. Seiner Meinung
nach hätte der IGH trotz der Tatsache, dass der Bau des Trennungszauns
Fragen bezüglich des Internationalen Rechts aufwerfe, keine Empfehlung zu
diesem Thema abgeben sollen. Der Richter war der Meinung, es obliege ihm,
gegen die Haltung des IGH zu stimmen, weil der IGH nicht genügend
Beweismaterial für seine einschneidenden Schlussfolgerungen habe. Er sagte,
der Mangel an vollständigen Informationen beeinträchtige die Ergebnisse des
Gerichtes. Er hob hervor, dass die Abwesenheit von Sachinformationen über
die Sicherheitsverpflichtung, den Zaun zu bauen, und über Terrorangriffe auf
Israel, es nicht möglich machten, ein angemessenes Gutachten zu formulieren.
Buergenthal ist der Meinung, dass das Gutachten des IGH deshalb nicht das
Vertrauen der Öffentlichkeit gewinnen wird. Er zeigte auf, dass der IGH
Israels Standpunkt und seine Informationen, die es den Institutionen der UNO
gegeben hatte, nicht korrekt behandelt habe.
Auf jeden Fall ist das Gutachten des
IGH nicht bindend. Sondern es soll die Institutionen der UNO mit einer
rechtlichen Basis für ihre zukünftigen Handlungen beliefern und ihre
Diskussionen zu diesem Thema leiten. Nur der Sicherheitsrat ist autorisiert,
Israel Sanktionen aufzuerlegen, falls er das Gutachten akzeptiert. Es kann
angenommen werden, dass in diesem Fall die USA ihr Vetorecht im
Sicherheitsrat anwenden wird. Es ist klar, dass die Position des
amerikanischen Richters nicht von seinem Staat vorgegeben wurde. Doch es
kann angenommen werden, dass sein Standpunkt die Formulierung der
US-amerikanischen Meinung beeinflussen wird, sollte der Versuch gemacht
werden, Israel Sanktionen aufzuerlegen.
Against the backdrop of the Palestinian’s suicide bombing campaign
that left thousands of dead and maimed, it’s easy to understand why Israelis
identify with Robert Frost’s poem, Mending Wall, that concludes:
“Good fences make good neighbors.” But given the anti-Israel bias of some of
its judges, it comes as no shock that the International Court at The Hague
has rejected Israel’s right to build a Security Fence. Israel can do
without this new scolding. Indeed, the Middle East’s only democracy has been
struggling to balance the civil rights of Arabs and the Jewish people’s
ultimate right to survive every day of her 56-year existence. In fact, the
ICJ’s decision is not only wrong but also superfluous. Israel’s own Supreme
Court just ruled reaffirming the right of national self-defense, but said
that the Israeli Army cannot complete the Security Fence without doing
everything possible to protect the interests of both Israel’s Arab citizens
and affected West Bank Palestinians—even if this means moving the Fence away
from areas that have been launching pads for terror. What was the reaction
of the ever-demonized Ariel Sharon? Rather than seek to overrule the
judiciary via legislation, he pledged to honor the decision because today’s
embattled Israelis recognize the centrality of the rule of
law.
Now is a good time to review other relevant developments related to the War on Terror and the Middle East. Here in America, the Supreme Court—updating Benjamin Franklin’s admonition: “those who sacrifice liberty in the name of security deserve neither”—has determined that, even in the post-9/11 era, foreign nationals detained abroad in our fight against international terrorism cannot be held indefinitely without being granted judicial access. In the Middle East’s other crucible of conflict—now-sovereign but still violence-torn Iraq—many Iraqi families ate dinner by candlelight so they could use their rationed electricity to watch Saddam Hussein and 11 of his henchmen arraigned before a young but capable Iraqi judge on charges of war crimes, mass murder, and “crimes against humanity.” The defendants, guaranteed counsel at the trial stage, were allowed to speak in their own defense at the arraignment where Hussein raved on. The proceedings were reminiscent of the Nuremberg Trials, but Justice is being meted out—not by the military victors—but by a court representing the dictator’s own victimized people.
Ominously, the Palestinians seem to heading in the opposite direction. The Guardian newspaper described a recent “trial” this way: “A lynch mob executed an alleged Palestinian collaborator . . . yesterday after many of the residents bayed for his blood.” Mohammed Rafiq Daraghmeh, 45, accused of collaboration and child abuse, was whisked out of his hospital bed and paraded in the public square of Qabatiya, near Jenin. “This man, as you know . . . gave information to Israel on the whereabouts of our fighters,” somebody said. “What should his sentence be?” The crowd roared back: “Execution!” Daraghmeh was machine gunned by Yasser Arafat’s own Al Aqsa Martyr’s Brigade, as the crowd cheered. Palestinian spokesman blamed the lynching on Israeli “occupation.” Since March, 140 Palestinians have been rounded up as alleged “collaborators” with Israel. At least ten have been executed after being tried by kangaroo courts—or with no trials at all. The rest await execution.
Under Arafat’s Saddamesque regime, lynchings are seen as a safety valve for popular rage against the miserable conditions of Palestinian life. Without scapegoats, Palestinians might rise instead against the PA’s own bottomless incompetence and corruption. With no pressure on Arafat from Europe and the UN, expect internal Palestinian lawlessness only to intensify. In this new century, Justice is again on trial all over the world. It is clear that the right to impartial justice remains a key—the litmus test—for a civilized future. The firestorm over Abu Ghraib reminded America it must practice what it preaches if it expects the Arab and Muslim world to move toward an open-and-fair trial system. The US and Israeli Supreme Courts continue to fortify legal security fences around “due process.” The Hague ought to insist that every people—Palestinians included—be held accountable to the same universal standards of Justice.
*Rabbi Abraham Cooper is associate dean of the Simon Wiesenthal
Center
Dr. Harold Brackman, a historian is a consultant to the
Center

Gary Clement, The National Post, July 10,
2004
The National Post (Canada)
July 10,
2004
Friday's ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ)
condemning Israel's West Bank security fence was not a judicial ruling so
much as a political manifesto. The court accepted all of the grievances
brought forward by the Palestinian Authority, the Arab League and the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, yet all but ignored Israel's own
arguments. The word "terrorism" -- Israel's principal reason for erecting
the fence -- appears nowhere in the ruling. The ICJ accepted that the fence
violated Palestinians' rights to mobility, livelihood, health care and so
forth, yet rejected as an insufficient "excuse" Israel's right to
self-defence.
The question the court ruled on -- what are "the legal
consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by
Israel, the Occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory?" -- was
originally posed by the United Nations General Assembly, a body whose bias
against Israel is legendary. That the court even deigned to provide an
answer indicates its own bias: The ICJ does not have jurisdiction over
disputes within countries -- only those between countries that are both
member nations of the UN and which have both consented to come before the
court. This is one of the reasons that many Western countries, including the
United States and Canada, urged the court not to take the case. But the
justices were so eager to take a bash at the Jewish state that they ignored
the limits of their mandate.
Even the process that led to the General
Assembly asking for the ICJ's advice in the first place was politically
charged. Arab states, the Palestinians, and such Third-World human-rights
luminaries as Cuba introduced a resolution last fall calling on Israel to
dismantle the fence. When that motion passed, its sponsors urged the
assembly to seek the imprimatur of the ICJ. Now that the court has ruled as
they hoped, the same nations will use the veneer of judicial impartiality to
impose economic sanctions on Israel and declare it a pariah state, much as
South Africa was singled out during its apartheid era. In this latter
political objective, the ICJ co-operated explicitly, including in its ruling
a call for all nations to act "against the wall."
The ruling will
properly have no impact on Israel's determination to proceed with the
security fence. Several spokesmen for the Israeli government have already
said as much. And why should Israel desist? The fence is working well.
Although only about a quarter of its planned 700-kilometre length has been
completed so far, along those sections already up, terrorist attacks have
fallen from 600 per year to less than 150. In the past four months, there
has not been a single deadly Palestinian bombing inside Israel's pre-1967
boundaries, the so-called Green Line. This is the longest continuous
bomb-free stretch since Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat commenced the
second intifada against Israel in Sept. of 2000. More than 100 threatened
attacks have been foiled in progress along the fence and 58 would-be suicide
bombers arrested.
Yet despite all
this, the ICJ was "not convinced that the specific course Israel has chosen
... was necessary to attain its security objectives."
Perhaps from
the safe vacuum of their judicial debating chamber in The Hague, the ICJ's
jurists are unable to see the worth of Israel's fence. But on the ground, in
the markets, cafes and malls of Israel that are so often terrorist targets,
its value is obvious. Israel is fully right to ignore the court and any
international condemnation that may follow. The safety and security of her
citizens demands no less.
JPost - 'I used to be against the fence, now I'm for
it'
Sami Mcarah, a 29-year-old Arab Israeli resident of Jaffo got
off a bus at Tel Aviv's old bus station just minutes before a bomb went off
on Sunday that killed one woman and injured 30 others.
"I used to be
opposed to the security fence, but now I support it, and I'm going to start
a foundation to support the fence's construction" Mcarah told Israel Radio.
"The terrorist had no intention just to hurt Jews, but he went out to
kill as many people as possible. The Palestinians are stupid for what
they're doing, they're not achieving anything and in the end they will only
turn us Israeli Arabs against them," said Mcarah. Mcarah, wounded by
shrapnel to his leg, said he rushed over to a woman he saw on the ground and
tried to help her. He said he took her pulse but she was already dead, "The
images in my head will never go away, although I feel lucky that I have a
new life after surviving the second terror attack." The attack is the second
one Mcarah has been through. In 1995, Mcarah got off the number 5 bus on
Dizingoff street just seconds before it was blown up by a suicide bomber.
Mcarah is the chairman of a non profit organization called Equal Peace, that
works toward creating equality between Arabs and Jews. He is married with 2
children and is a Chef at a restaurant near the old bus station where
Sunday's attack took place.
JPost - Comment: Israel
follows its own law, not bigoted Hague decision -
Alan Dershowitz
The Israeli government has
both a legal and a moral obligation to comply with the Israeli Supreme
Court's decision regarding the security fence. After all, the Supreme Court
is a creation of the Knesset and is therefore representative of all of the
people – Jews, Muslims, and Christians alike. Moreover, the Supreme Court
has a real stake in both sides of the fence dispute. Its job is to balance
the security needs of its citizens against the humanitarian concerns of West
Bank Palestinians. It tried to strike that balance by upholding the concept
of a security fence while insisting that the Israeli military authorities
give due weight to the needs of the Palestinians, even if that requires some
compromise on the security of Israelis. Contrast this with the questionable
status of the International Court of Justice in The Hague. No Israeli judge
may serve on that court as a permanent member, while sworn enemies of Israel
serve among its judges, several of whom represent countries that do not
abide by the rule of law. Virtually every democracy voted against that
court's taking jurisdiction over the fence case, while nearly every country
that voted to take jurisdiction was a tyranny. Israel owes the International
Court absolutely no deference. It is under neither a moral nor a legal
obligation to give any weight to its predetermined decision. The Supreme
Court of Israel recognized the unquestionable reality that the security
fence has saved numerous lives and promises to save more, but it also
recognized that this benefit must be weighed against the material
disadvantages to West Bank Palestinians. The International Court, on the
other hand, discounted the saving of lives and focused only on the
Palestinian interests. By showing its preference for Palestinian property
rights over the lives of Jews, the International Court displayed its
bigotry.
The International Court of Justice is much like a Mississippi
court in the 1930s. The all-white Mississippi court, which excluded blacks
from serving on it, could do justice in disputes between whites, but it was
incapable of doing justice in cases between a white and a black. It would
always favor white litigants. So, too, the International Court. It is
perfectly capable of resolving disputes between Sweden and Norway, but it is
incapable of doing justice where Israel is involved, because Israel is the
excluded black when it comes to that court – indeed when it comes to most
United Nations organs. A judicial decision can have no legitimacy when
rendered against a nation that is willfully excluded from the court's
membership by bigotry.
Just as the world should have disregarded any
decision against blacks rendered by a Mississippi court in the 1930s, so too
should all decent people contemptuously disregard the bigoted decisions of
the International Court of Justice when it comes to Israel. To give any
credence to the decisions of that court is to legitimize bigotry. The
International Court of Justice should be a court of last resort to which
aggrieved litigants can appeal when their own country's domestic courts are
closed to them. The Israeli Supreme Court is not only open to all Israeli
Arabs, but also to all West Bank and Gaza Arabs. Israel's Supreme Court is
the only court in the Middle East where an Arab can actually win a case
against his government.
The decision of the International Court of
Justice against Israel should harm the reputation of that court in the minds
of objective observers rather than damage the credibility of Israel. The
Israeli government will comply with the rule of law by following the
decision of its own Supreme Court. If the International Court of Justice
were itself to apply the rule of law instead of the calculus of politics, it
might deserve respect. Now – like the general assembly of which it's a
creation and the Mississippi courts of the 1930s of which it's a clone – all
it deserves is the contempt of decent people for its bigoted processes and
its predetermined partisan result. Prof. Dershowitz wrote this article the
day before the International Court rendered this opinion because he was
certain – based on the composition of the court – that its verdict would be
against Israel. Following the decision he did not have to change a single
word.
Alan Dershowitz is a professor of law at
Harvard.
The
Palestinians timed one of their last effective terror attacks for the day
before the international court at The Hague began hearing the Palestinian
petition against Israel’s defense barrier. On February 22, a suicide bomber
killed 8 Israelis and injured 62 by blowing up a bus outside Jerusalem’s
Inbal Hotel.
Sunday, July 11, two days after the court ruled the barrier
illegal, the al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the suicide arm of Yasser Arafat’s
Fatah, closed the circle by detonating a medium-sized bomb in rush hour
traffic at a Tel Aviv bus stop, killing a 20-year old Israeli girl soldier
and injuring another 40 commuters, 4 of them seriously. Even the first third
of the 600-km fence (West Bank plus Jerusalem) so far constructed almost
certainly helped prevent a suicide bomber from committing a larger, deadlier
attack. Interestingly, this latest bombing, aired almost immediately by
Hizballah television, was claimed also by the “Abu Mussa” group, a
rejectionist pro-Syrian faction that broke away from Arafat’s mainstream
Fatah some two decades ago.
Fourteen judges of The Hague International
Court, against the single dissenting vote cast by the American judge Thomas
Buergenthal, decided that construction of “the wall” was contrary to
international law and infringed on Palestinian rights to land occupied by
Israel in 1967. The court, called for it to be removed and compensation
paid.
Israel does not recognize the court’s authority and in any case its
opinions are nonbinding except as recommendations to the UN General
Assembly.
DEBKAfile’s political analysts believe that the negative
pro-Palestinian opinion handed down against Israel’s security fence was not
inescapable or pre-ordained. The Israeli government’s stubborn decision not
to present its case tilted it in the Palestinians’ favor. Instead of
protesting fruitlessly outside the courthouse, the victims of Palestinian
terror, not all of them Israeli citizens, should have been inside depicting
the Palestinian authority’s campaign of suicidal terror and genocidal
motives as the rationale for the non-violent barrier.
Though advisory,
the world court’s decision is hugely damaging to Israel’s moral and
international standing. The judges, five of them from European Union
countries, stood on a ladder set under their feet by Israel’s own supreme
court, which on June 30 explicitly placed the welfare of Palestinian
inhabitants along the barrier route ahead of Israeli citizens’ right to be
protected against suicidal terrorists. (See June 30 DEBKAfile article on
this page)
The Israeli court, presided over by Chief justice Aharon
Barak, set the world tribunal an example by making no demands of any
Palestinians, only Israel’s defense authorities. The Palestinians who
benefited from the two judgments were not required either to desist from
terrorism against their Israeli neighbors or even to close their land to the
passage of terrorists, as a pre-condition for re-routing the fence to
satisfy their interests and convenience. At the same time, Israel’s military
was ordered to defer to the humanitarian needs of Palestinians.
The
Sharon government made haste to comply, offering to tear down three quarters
of the Jerusalem fence.
The Hague court had that precedent in hand in
good time. The judges also took advantage of the diplomatic inertia
afflicting the Israeli government since prime minister Ariel Sharon
conceived his disengagement plan. He is clinging to the goal of evacuating
all Gaza Strip settlements and four locations in the West Bank by the end of
2005, even after failing to ram it through any elected institution –
cabinet, ruling party or Knesset.
This stubborn campaign has serious
weakened his government.
All in all, the disarray of Israel’s governing
administration conferred on the failed and feud-ridden Palestinian Authority
headed by Yasser Arafat a rare diplomatic and moral victory in the violent
confrontation he has waged against Israel for more than four years and
encourages him to go on.
Indeed Israel’s entire political establishment,
government and opposition alike, is falling apart under the stifling rule of
geriatric leaders with no heirs presumptive in sight.
Flat hostility to
the prime minister’s policies ties the governing Likud’s institutions hand
and foot. Sharon at the age of 76 may declare his intention of running for
prime minister in the next election, but he cannot count on being nominated
by Likud in its present mood or format. His foremost rival Binyamin
Netanyahu has forfeited the trust of the low-earning and middle class
segments of the electorate by his arrant favoritism for the moneyed classes.
Intrigue and divisions in the opposition Labor party keep its 81-year old
leader Shimon Peres hopping between petty revolts and defections. Rumbles of
discontent are audible even in the newly formed far-left Yahad, where Geneva
Accords author Yossi Beilin is accused of reducing the once dynamic Meretz,
its primary integer, to virtual stagnancy.
Most recently, the stuffing
was knocked out of Shinui and its 74-year old leader, justice minister Tommy
Lapid, by the disclosure that one of its top three, energy and
infrastructure minister Yosef Paritzky, conspired with a private
investigator to ruin his colleague, interior minister Avraham Poraz. The
attempt made two years ago led nowhere but was secretly taped. Aired last
week by Israeli TV Channel One, the record of skullduggery in its own ranks
shattered Shinui, a new party that made its campaign debut on a political
cleanup ticket. At Lapid’s insistence, Sharon dropped Paritzky from the
government Sunday, July 11, in disgrace. He will not go quietly. Holding on
to his Knesset seat, he is angry enough to add his gun to the barrage of no
confidence motions besetting the government since Sharon began dropping
ministers to fabricate a cabinet majority for disengagement.
Two months
ago, he sacked both National Union ministers to balance the vote in his
favor, thereby forfeiting seven precious NU Knesset members. Two National
Religious Party ministers resigned in protest against the prime minister’s
avowed intention of removing settlements. One minister, Zvulun Orlev stayed
in the government in defiance of party leader, Effie Eytam, leaving the
NRP’s six Knesset members hopelessly divided.
Cabinet endorsement for the
bare bones of disengagement has cost the Sharon coalition its parliamentary
majority. His 59-member support will shrink further to 58 whenever Paritzky
seeks to exact revenge on the prime minister who axed him and his own party.
In real terms, the government can rarely count on more than 56 supporters in
the 120-member Knesset – provided Likud rebels do not absent themselves from
votes. The opposition too has trouble mustering the necessary 61 votes to
overthrow the government. But every week is touch and go. The cliffhanger
will reach high danger point in September when the next state budget comes
before the lawmakers.
Israel’s high court last week curtailed the
government’s tenure by one year, bringing the national election forward to
November 2006 and adding to the pressures on all parties. Even if Sharon is
able to shore up his crumbling coalition by co-opting Labor - or parts
thereof - his administration can hardly expect to survive that long. Indeed,
the Likud leader may find himself removed from office by an early election
before he has a chance to remove a single settlement.
The world court,
unopposed by the Israeli government and enjoying moral encouragement from
Israel’s high court, sneaked in a couple of ominous riders to its
decision:
1. “The wall seriously infringes on the exercise by the
Palestinian people of its right to self-determination and is therefore is a
breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.
The term “breach” is
based on a false assumption, namely that Israel has accepted an obligation
to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and
statehood. In fact, no elected Israeli administration or legislature has
ever embraced any such obligation. Hence the term breach is a misnomer. Even
the Middle East road map, which the Sharon government endorsed with 14
qualifications, grants Palestinian statehood only after its total
renunciation of terrorism and democratic reforms under new leaders. The
world court was encouraged to put the cart before the horse by Sharon’s
tactic of wearing down opposition to his policies and objectives by
reiterating propositions as though they were accomplished facts. The best
example of this is his pledge to remove Gaza Strip and four West Bank
settlements by the end of 2005, when in fact it is no more than a pious
hope. Even his winnowed down cabinet agreed to discuss the evacuations
piecemeal not before March 2005, provided the circumstances were
right.
2. The court declared that Jewish settlements were established in
breach of international law and must be removed. This opinion was likewise
fueled by the Gaza Strip precedent provided by Sharon.
The Palestinians,
while carrying out a terrorist attack in Tel Aviv on the one hand, are
demanding international sanctions against Israel, on the other, although
they are in no hurry to request a Security Council meeting for this purpose.
Israeli officials claim the promise of an American veto against such
sanctions, not only for Israel’s sake but to stem the fallout of the world
court’s decisions when applied to America as “an occupying power” in Iraq
and Afghanistan as well as the global war on terror.
However, the Israeli
government can expect some plain talk from two American visitors due in
Jerusalem Monday, July 12: Steve Hadley, national security adviser
Condoleezza Rice’s deputy – whose name is mentioned as a possible CIA
director after George Tenet, and Elliot Abrams, head of the Middle East desk
at the National Security Council. They will no doubt inform Israeli leaders
of the price expected of them:
1. To halt construction of the security
fence at any point except for the Green Line marking the pre-June 1967
borders, repeating Washington’s objections to the perimeter fence for
protecting the Israeli West Bank town of Ariel, the section running through
the Lod plain and Modiin south of Tel Aviv and the barrier encircling
Jerusalem. (Sharon and defense minister Shaul Mofaz have promised to comply
with the Israeli high court ruling addressing the Jerusalem fence.)
2. To
finally evacuate all the illegal West Bank outposts as Sharon has repeatedly
promised President George W. Bush.
3. To ease hardships in the lives of
Palestinians, a demand clearly incorporated in both court
decisions.
Prime minister Sharon clearly does not feel in strong enough
to bring into play the Bush Letter accepting the demographic reality of
large settlement blocs on the West Bank, thus allowing his only major
diplomatic achievement after four years in office to be buried under legal
verbiage generated by two courts. Whether or not Israeli is subjected to
sanctions, the two courts’ rulings are important in that they provide
legitimacy, domestic and international, for Palestinian terror by failing to
name it as the raison d’etre for “the wall.”
Ha'Aretz
- Analysis / This is not how you judge a
wall
The advisory opinion laid
by the UN's International Court of Justice in The Hague on the doorstep of
the UN, dealing with "the legal consequents of building a wall in the
territory of occupied Palestine" is not a real legalistic analysis of the
parties' arguments. While the ruling makes mention of Israel's arguments,
which were presented to the court and UN institutions, the court's opinion
appears to have been decided in advance. ...
Ha'Aretz - Analysis / Israel's image dealt a hard
blow
Israel's image took a
beating from the ICJ (International Court of Justice) on Friday. For the
present it seems Israel will be able to stop the ruling from becoming a
binding UN resolution, and will be able to go about its business as
usual.
JNW - World debates Israel’s right to
self-defense
JERUSALEM -
World leaders have in the past condemned Israel’s targeted killing of
“Palestinian” terrorists as “disproportionate” and its preventative military
roadblocks as “degrading.”
Now the International Court of Justice (ICJ)
in The Hague has judged Israel’s anti-terror barrier is a violation of
international law and must come down.
And while the court’s ruling was
advisory in nature, it is expected to launch a new battle within the halls
of the United Nations to further prevent the Jewish state from protecting
its citizens against the Islamic terrorism that plagues
them....
(Man stützt sich bei
der BBC auf faktisch falsches palästinensisches
Kartenmaterial)
Nur zur Erinnerung: http://www.take-a-pen.org/deutsch/index.html
mit deutschen Informationen.
Auf Englisch eine
Zusammenfassung zu anderen Zäunen in der Welt:
http://www.take-a-pen.org/english/Articles/Lets%20remove%20all%20fences.pdf
Und dann eine Frage:
Wenn von den 13 Richtern in
einem nicht zuständigen Gericht
- 8 tyrannische, undemokratische
Staaten repräsentieren
- 4 von den übrigen 5 Länder repräsentieren, die
dafür bekannt sind, dass sie sich im Zweifelsfall für die Palästinenser
einsetzen (und gegen Israel)
- und der Ägypter schon zugegeben hat, dass er
von vorneherein dazu "tendierte" Israel zu verurteilen
wie legitim ist
dann eine solche "Empfehlung"???????
Gruß
Herbert
-----Original
Message-----
From: Naomi Ragen
Sent: Saturday, July 10, 2004 12:51
PM
To: sstawski@honestly-concerned.org
Subject: The International World
Court of Injustice
Friends,
So, the fence that's reduced
terrorist attacks in Israel by 90% is illegal, according to the wisdom of the
International World Court of Justice. Funny, when terrorists shot Tali
Hatuel to death when she was nine months pregnant, then shot each of her four
little girls in the back of the head, we didn't hear a word from the U.N. or
from the International World Court of Justice about that being illegal...If
you'd like to let them know how you feel, write them a
letter.
ecu@un.org -
United Nations
civis@europarl.eu.int - EU Parliament
info@curia.eu.int - EU Court of
Justice
information@eumc.eu.int - EU
Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia
You can also read the
article below.
Naomi
The mighty International World Court of Justice
By
Mike Levine
The UN referred Israel’s anti-terrorism separation fence to
the International Court of Justice in The Hague for its opinion on the
legality of this barrier.
As expected the court declared the barrier
illegal, that it must be dismantled, that Palestinian landowners must be
compensated. The court also said they are not convinced the course chosen was
necessary to attain the security objectives sought by Israel. Furthermore the
court added that Israel must assure the Palestinians access to the Holy Places
under its control.
This may surprise you, but I agree fully with
everything the court said!
Allow me to explain what I mean.
The
fence must be dismantled.
The moment the Palestinians surrender all
their weapons, rockets, explosives and dismantle every bomb and rocket factory
we should immediately dismantle the anti-terrorist fence.
Palestinian
landowners must be compensated.
The moment Israel receives compensation
from Arab states and the Palestinians for all the death and destruction caused
by all their wars and a hundred years of unrelenting terrorism we should
compensate Palestinian landowners.
Israel must assure access to Holy
Places.
Do they mean the same way that the Palestinians assured Israel
access to Joseph’ s Tomb in Nablus when it came under Arafat’s control? It was
completely destroyed.
Do they mean the way Jordan assured access to 58
synagogues in Jerusalem when the Jewish sector was under their control from
1948 to 1967? They burned them all to the ground.
The course of the
fence was not necessary to attain Israel’s security objectives.
Now
this is a strange decision. Evidently the members of the world court do not
read the newspapers or they would have known that although the anti-terrorism
barrier is only 25% finished it has already resulted in a 90% reduction in
suicide bombings and terrorist attacks.
Not one word in the court’s
decision mentions the reason Israel built this barrier—more than a thousand
murders, the majority of innocent civilians, perpetrated by the Palestinians
in less than four years. Not one word about the 6,000 Jews maimed for life,
including babies, women, and old people.
The UN established the
International Court of Justice to ‘settle disputes between states’. Palestine
is not a state. It has only observer status in the UN. So why was this issue
even brought to the court?
The United States provides about 30% of the
UN’s income, yet has only one seat on the fifteen-seat court.
Woman
make up more than 50% of the world’s adult population yet there is not a
single woman to be found on the court.
The court’s decisions have no
legal standing. They are merely opinions, totally
non-binding.
Therefore how can they declare Israel’s anti-terrorist
barrier "illegal"?
Israel's Anti-Terror Fence Saves Lives
***The UN General
Assembly (GA) resolution asking the International
Court of Justice (ICJ)
for an advisory opinion is actually a request for
an endorsement of an
already-stated political opinion of the GA. The ICJ
lacks jurisdiction
over the case because the GA has dictated the desired
result. The court is
not authorized to make endorsements of the GA's
political opinions dressed
in legal garb.
For more details, go to http://jcpa.org/jl/vp513.htm
AN
IMAGINARY - OR NOT SO IMAGINARY - SCENARIO
An
imaginary individual decides to visit his imaginary relatives. He collects his
wife and imaginary children, prepares a suitcase, and sets out on his way. In
order to get to his relatives, he has to pass through a barrier. There is a
long line of people waiting to pass through this barrier, and our imaginary
friend is waiting patiently with his family. At the end of the line,
tough-looking people in uniforms check with a frustrating slowness every
single person passing through the barrier. Another person in uniform gives our
imaginary friend a form, in a language he doesn't understand, and asks him to
fill in the details. On this
form, our imaginary friend is required to explain who he is, who his
companions are, his destination, and his intentions.
Next to
the long line where our imaginary friend is waiting patiently there is another
line, in which other people pass through the barrier quickly and without any
checks, as if to emphasize the injustice of this imaginary
world.
When our
imaginary friend reaches the checkpoint, he is required by another official in
uniform to open his bag. His belongings are scattered and thoroughly checked.
He is asked to remove certain elements of his clothing, and may even be asked
to spread his arms. From this checkpoint our imaginary friend is sent to
another official in uniform, who glances at the form he has filled in, and
repeats the same questions - Who are you? Where are you going? Who are you
traveling with? What are you going to do when you get there?
etc.
At this
stage, when our imaginary friend feels that he and his family have experienced
the very depths of injustice and humiliation, he is permitted to
pass.
This
unimaginary scenario takes place every minute in every sea- and airport of
every country in the world - and nobody complains. It is quite obvious that
every sovereign country in the world has the right to check the people wishing
to enter its borders. With regard to every country in the world, this is
called "passport control". With regard to Israel it has come to be called
"barriers", "walls", "fences", etc.
Every
country in the world surrounds itself with a wall, and with control
checkpoints. In every such checkpoint you will find people in uniforms, and in
many places you will also find soldiers with firearms. Every country in the
world has a wall. The physical shape of the wall is a function of the purpose
of the wall. When the purpose of the wall is to check tourists and innocent
bystanders, the physical shape of the wall will be a modern, comfortable,
air-conditioned terminal. When the purpose of the wall is to prevent the free
passage of terrorists bearing arms and explosives, whose intention is the
murder of innocent citizens without discrimination, the physical shape of the
wall is concrete, with watchtowers, etc.
No
country in the world is faced with the relentless, intensive, and mind-numbing
horror of the effects of terrorism to the degree that Israel is. Yet Israel is
the only country in the world that has been told by an international court of
justice that it does not have the right to close its borders and check people
wishing to come in or pass through.
If the
basic right of the Palestinian Arabs to move freely from place to place is
being exploited by the Palestinian terror organizations to implement terrorist
activities inside Israel, then Israel's natural basic right as a sovereign
nation is to prevent the entry of such individuals - even at the cost of the
construction of a wall/fence/barrier.
FACT:
No
international court of justice prosecuted Jordan for violating the basic human
rights of the Palestinian Arabs by not allowing them free passage into Jordan
- despite the fact that until 1967, all the West Bank territories were under
Jordanian rule.
FACT:
No
international court of justice prosecuted Egypt for violating the basic human
rights of the Palestinian Arabs living in Gaza by not allowing them free
passage into Egypt - despite the fact that until 1967, the Gaza Strip was
under Egyptian rule.
FACT:
It is a
fact, however, that virtually no suicide bombers have gained entry into Israel
in areas where the wall/barrier has been
constructed.
FACT:
The
Israeli High Court of Justice ruled that certain parts of the wall should be
re-routed, but also that security considerations should be balanced against
the needs of local residents.
FACT:
The
Palestinian Authority does not want the wall, because the wall reflects the
concept of two countries for two people. The PA wants one binational state in
which, based on demographic statistics, the Jews will very quickly become a
minority, leading to the inevitable end of the State of
Israel.
EIN INTERESSANTES EMAIL AUS DER
MAILINGLISTE VON NAOMI RAGEN.... The Biggest
Hypocrites
Friends,
Get this: Not only has the UN itself built a fence
around its HQ to protect itself against terrorists (sorry, I meant
“militants”) but ironically, three countries-India, Saudi Arabia, and
Turkey-condemned Israel at the UN General Assembly and voted to refer the
Israeli fence to the ICJ [International Court of Justice] for an advisory
opinion even though they had themselves built barriers in areas contested by
their neighbors. India is just completing a 460-mile barrier in the contested
Kashmir to halt infiltrations supported by Pakistan; within the last two
years, Saudi Arabia built a sixty-mile barrier along an undefined border zone
with Yemen to halt smuggling of weaponry; and Turkey built a barrier in an
area that Syria claims as its own. Of the three countries, Saudi Arabia also
submitted a written statement to the ICJ directly, while the other two-India
and Turkey-did not. The Arab League and Organization of Islamic States
submitted statements to the ICJ condemning the Israeli barrier, but they did
not condemn the Saudi barrier when it was being built. The ICJ has not been
involved in any of the other barrier disputes.
India
To halt infiltrations from
Pakistan, India has almost completed a twelve-foot-high fence in the contested
area of Kashmir. Straddling 460 miles of territory known as the Line of
Control (which divides both Kashmirs), the fence reportedly looks comparable
to other sections of the India-Pakistan border. The issue of Kashmir goes back
to the India-Pakistan partition of 1947. Because a majority of Kashmir
residents were Muslims, in 1947, Pakistan seized part of Kashmir. In the late
1980s, it sought to obtain the rest of Kashmir by supporting an insurgency
movement. Last year, India began constructing a fence to halt the
infiltrations. Construction of the fence was at first hampered by shelling
between Pakistan and India. However, it has been aided by a ceasefire worked
out late last year between the militaries of both countries. Pakistani leaders
pledged early this year not to allow their territory to be used as a
springboard for attacks.
The Pakistani government has accused India of
violating the UN charter as well as the ceasefire agreement. The spokesperson
for the Pakistani military, Major General Shaukat Sultan, said that "the
border in Jammu and Kashmir remains undemarcated. It is a working boundary and
a ceasefire line... [A]ny measure to alter the status of [the boundary] and
any attempt to erect a new impediment is a direct violation of international
commitments, and Pakistan opposes it. Border fencing is not
allowed."
General Nimal Chand Vij, India's Army chief, claimed in May 2004
that the barrier was constructed to decrease the number of attacks of invaders
coming from Pakistan into India: "The number of terrorists inside Jammu and
Kashmir has dropped to nearly 55 percent to 60 percent of what it was last
year." General Vij added that the fence had stopped almost 90 percent of
infiltration attempts, but about 3,000 militants are still waiting for the
best chance to invade.
Saudi Arabia
In a twenty-four-page statement available on
the ICJ website
(www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/idocket/imwp/imwpstatements/iWrittenStatement_02_Kingdom
ofSaudiArabia.pdf),
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia issued a blistering attack against the Israeli
security fence, which it called an "internationally wrongful act" and called
for the "destruction" of the barrier.
Yemeni officials have publicly
charged that Saudi Arabia, within the last two years, constructed sixty miles
of barrier in an undefined zone along the Saudi Arabia-Yemen border. The
barrier is ten feet high. Saudi Arabia claims that the disputed area is part
of its territory and asserts that the move is defensive to stem the flow of
Yemeni smuggling of militants and weaponry. Yemen claims that the Saudi move
violates the Jeddah Treaty, which the two countries reached in 2000. Amid
continued Yemeni protest and just days before the ICJ convened in February,
the Saudis and Yemenis held a high-level bilateral meeting in Riyadh. As a
result of the summit and the ICJ, the Saudis have agreed to pause
construction-at least for now. However, they have not done what they advise
the Israelis to do-namely, to take down the barrier.
Turkey
Turkey's control of the southern
province of Alexandretta, which was formerly in Syria, is accepted
internationally, but it remains disputed by Damascus. Turkey patrols the
border area, which it calls Hatay Province. Syria, however, calls it the
Sanjak of Alexandretta Province. Alexandretta was part of France's mandate for
Syria after World War I, but the French-Turkish Treaty of Ankara also
guaranteed the Turks living there cultural autonomy. In 1936, as France took
early steps toward Syrian independence, Turkey sought a revision of
Alexandretta's status. It appealed to the League of Nations, claiming that the
privileges of the large Turkish minority there were being infringed and would
be further infringed if Alexandretta were part of an independent Syria. The
League of Nations decided in 1937 that the area should be a separate,
self-governing state, and indeed, it was an independent state for a year.
France ceded the area to Turkey in 1939, hoping to coax the Turks away from
Nazi Germany. Justifying its move, France cited a freshly formed local
parliamentary vote of the new state of Hatay to join Turkey. However, the move
created disturbances in Syria. Syrian maps still show the region as part of
Syria. Hence, Turkey constructed a barrier in the disputed area. Also, since
the late 1980s, Turkey has fenced and mined almost 500 miles of other parts of
its border that are not disputed by Syria because of infiltration of Kurdish
insurgents.
The full article is at: http://www.imra.org.il/story.php3?id=21439.
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